New daily cases of COVID-19 are coming in now at a faster pace in Southwest Virginia than any other region in the state.
Gov. Ralph Northam said during a news conference Tuesday that he doesn’t intend to impose any new restrictions and that he thinks Radford University, Virginia Tech and the local communities are doing a good job of addressing the surge.
“The most concerning thing about Southwest, and I’ll repeat this, is we just don’t have the hospitals and especially the ICU capabilities,” he said.
Northam did not elaborate as to which parts of the vast Southwest region he was talking about, nor was there an opportunity to ask him to explain.
The far southwest coalfields experienced a spike in cases in August, and the region’s health provider, Ballad Health, shifted services and opened up more COVID-19 beds. Ballad has seen cases trending downward for the past two weeks.
In the Roanoke Valley, Carilion Clinic and LewisGale Medical Center have said throughout the pandemic that they have enough capacity and have plans to add COVID-19 units should the need arise. The Salem VA Hospital has also been treating COVID-19 patients.
Carilion and LewisGale also provide hospital care in the New River Valley, where there has been a surge of cases mostly in college students, many of whom have had mild or no symptoms.
The New River Health District on Tuesday reported it had seven confirmed COVID-19 hospital patients, and six others who are suspected of having the virus.
The majority of hospitalized COVID-19 patients throughout Virginia do not need ICU beds. On Tuesday, hospitals statewide reported 1,015 COVID-19 patients, with 228 in intensive care units. Throughout the Southwest region, 153 hospital beds were occupied by COVID-19 patients, with 36 of them in an ICU.
Dr. Molly O’Dell, who is leading the pandemic response for the Roanoke City and Alleghany Health Districts, said during her weekly media call that seven residents are in area hospitals.
Wednesday marks the six-month anniversary of the first confirmed local case of COVID-19. That was in a Botetourt County woman who was also the area’s first fatality.
Since then, 41 people in O’Dell’s health districts have died. There are 10 outbreaks, including two in long-term care facilities. So far at least six residents of the Raleigh Court Health and Rehabilitation Center have died. The home reports that it has had 67 cases in residents, with 36 of them current, and 30 in staff, with 19 current infections.
The home’s information has yet to show up on the Virginia Department of Health dashboard that reports long-term care outbreaks.
An outbreak that began Sept. 5 at the Berkshire Health and Rehabilitation Center in Vinton was added Tuesday to the state’s website. The home reported on its website Tuesday that it had seven cases in patients and four current cases in staff members.
“Every one of the outbreaks comes down to human behavior, and some pause or breach in infection prevention,” O’Dell said.
Routine preventive testing required now in long-term care facilities is picking up cases in people who have the virus but don’t have symptoms, she said.
But she said people in the community aren’t always heeding orders to wear face coverings.
“Well, today, I popped in to get my car inspected, and when I walked in, the person who greeted me to take my keys didn’t have a mask on,” O’Dell said. “I asked him was he aware he was supposed to, and he said, ‘No. I didn’t know it was required.’ ”
O’Dell introduced herself, then gave him an education.
“Do these people not read the newspaper or listen to the radio or watch TV? I don’t know. I’m dumbfounded,” she said.
Northam, too, said behavior is key to lowering the spread of the coronavirus.
“We are doing all the right things with PPE, with testing, with tracing. But it’s the behavior that’s the challenge, and that’s up to Virginians,” he said.
Northam said Virginia’s numbers would go down if people would wear face coverings, stay clear of large gatherings and practice social distancing.
“It’s that behavior that will put this pandemic behind us. Not testing, not tracing, not PPE, but behavior, and that’s what we need to continue to emphasize,” he said.
The New River Health District has assembled a task force. Its report on Tuesday noted so far there have been 11 deaths in the district and 50 hospitalizations.
It reported 52 new cases for the day, and an average of 94 a day during the past week.
Returning students to Radford University and Virginia Tech have caused the surge in New River cases.
Radford’s dashboard Tuesday afternoon showed 40 new positive tests out of the 575 administered by the school and its partners from Sept. 7 to 13.
The overall positivity rate sits at 11.39%, down from just over 12% the previous week. Radford has administered 3,486 tests since students began returning to campus in late July, yielding a total of 397 positive tests.
Virginia Tech as of Tuesday afternoon showed 13,242 tests given, with 727 students and eight employees testing positive since Aug. 3. Of those, 227 students and five employees tested positive the week of Sept. 8-14.
Staff writer Sam Wall contributed information to this report.
NAVARRE BEACH, Fla. — Heavy rain and pounding surf driven by Hurricane Sally hit the Florida and Alabama coasts Tuesday as forecasters expected the slow-moving storm to dump continuous deluges before and after landfall, possibly triggering dangerous, historic flooding along the northern Gulf Coast.
“It’s going to be a huge rainmaker,” said Phil Klotzbach, a research scientist and meteorologist at Colorado State University. “It’s not going to be pretty.”
The National Hurricane Center expected Sally to remain a Category 1 hurricane, with top sustained winds of 80 mph at landfall late Tuesday or early Wednesday. The storm’s sluggish pace made it harder to predict where its center would strike.
Sally remained dangerous even after losing power, its fiercest winds having dropped considerably from a peak of 100 mph on Monday.
Tuesday evening, hurricane warnings stretched from east of Bay St. Louis, Mississippi, to Navarre, Florida. Rainfall of up to 20 inches was forecast near the coast. There was a chance the storm could also spawn tornadoes and dump isolated rain accumulations of 30 inches.
Heavy rain and surf pounded the barrier island of Navarre Beach, Florida, on Tuesday afternoon and road signs wobbled in the gusty wind.
Two large casino boats broke loose Tuesday from a dock where they were undergoing construction work in Bayou La Batre, Alabama. M.J. Bosarge, who lives near the shipyard, said at least one of the riverboats had done considerable damage to the dock.
“You really want to get them secured because with wind and rain like this, the water is constantly rising,” Bosarge said. “They could end up anywhere. There’s no telling where they could end up.”
In Orange Beach, Alabama, towering waves crashed onshore Tuesday as Crystal Smith and her young daughter, Taylor, watched. They drove more than an hour through sheets of rain and whipping wind to take in the sight.
“It’s beautiful, I love it,” Crystal Smith said. “But they are high. Hardly any of the beach isn’t covered.”
Capt. Michael Thomas, an Orange Beach fishing guide, was outside securing boats and making other last-minute preparations. He estimated up to 5 inches of rain had fallen in as many hours.
“I’m as prepared as I can be,” Thomas said.
A couple miles away in Gulf Shores, Alabama, waves crashed over the end of the long fishing pier at Gulf State Park. Some roads in the town already were covered with water.
Stacy Stewart, a senior specialist with the National Hurricane Center, said Tuesday that people should continue to take the storm seriously since “devastating” rainfall is expected in large areas. People could drown in the flooding, he said.
“This is going to be historic flooding along with the historic rainfall,” Stewart said. “If people live near rivers, small streams and creeks, they need to evacuate and go somewhere else.”
Donald Jones, a National Weather Service meteorologist in Louisiana, said Sally could unleash flooding similar to what Hurricane Harvey inflicted in 2017 when it swamped the Houston metropolitan area.
As rain grew heavier Tuesday, many businesses appeared to be closed at exits along the I-10 highway that runs parallel to the Gulf Coast from Louisiana to Florida.
In Gulfport, Mississippi, white plastic bags hung over some gas station pumps to signal they were out of fuel. Along a bayou that extended inland from the Gulf, three shrimp boats were tied up as shrimpers and others tried to protect their boats from waves and storm surge. Most boat slips at Gulfport’s marina were empty, and many businesses had metal storm shutters or plywood covering the windows.
In Alabama, officials closed the causeway to Dauphin Island and the commuter tunnel that runs beneath the Mobile River. An online video from Dauphin Island showed a few cars and SUVs stuck in a beachfront area, their tires sunk deep into wet sand.
Alabama Gov. Kay Ivey urged residents near Mobile Bay and low-lying areas near rivers to evacuate if conditions still permitted a safe escape. The National Hurricane Center predicted storm surge along Alabama’s coast, including Mobile Bay, could reach 7 feet above ground.
“This is not worth risking your life,” Ivey said during a news conference Tuesday.
The storm was moving at only 2 mph Tuesday afternoon, centered about 105 miles south of Mobile, Alabama, and 60 miles east of the mouth of the Mississippi River. Hurricane-force winds stretched 45 miles from its center.
After making landfall, Sally was forecast to cause flash floods and minor to moderate river flooding across inland portions of Mississippi, Alabama, northern Georgia and the western Carolinas through the rest of the week.
President Donald Trump issued emergency declarations for parts of Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama on Monday, and tweeted that residents should listen to state and local leaders.
The threat to Louisiana was easing as officials in some areas reversed evacuation orders that had been issued for areas feared to be a risk of flooding from Sally.
Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis declared an emergency in 13 counties as rain from Sally’s outer bands pummeled the Panhandle on Tuesday.
The threat of heavy rain and storm surge was exacerbated by the storm’s slow movement.
There are more than 9,000 electronic gaming machines in circulation in Virginia that legislators maintain they will ban next year after they collect tax revenue to support coronavirus relief efforts.
The machines contributed about $12 million in tax payments in July, according to the Virginia Department of Taxation. Most of that tax revenue has gone into a newly established COVID-19 relief fund.
At the beginning of the year, the General Assembly wanted to ban these machines that look like slot machines but claim to have an element of skill that could allow them to elude the state’s prohibition on gambling. The machines rapidly proliferated across Virginia last year in convenience stores, restaurants and truck stops.
Then the General Assembly decided in April to allow the machines to continue to operate for another year as a lifeline to struggling businesses and as a source of additional revenue to help with coronavirus services.
The companies making the machines had until July 1 to place the games in Virginia. Travis Hill, chief executive officer of the Virginia Alcoholic Beverage Control Authority, told the Senate Finance Committee on Tuesday that 87 distributors registered 10,291 machines in Virginia, so no more will be allowed to enter the market. Of those operating, 1,126 of them are in the region stretching from Roanoke to far Southwest Virginia.
The machines are only allowed to be in businesses with ABC licenses and truck stops. The makers of the machines can move the machines around, so if a business is closed because of the coronavirus, they can be relocated to other establishments.
Senate Minority Leader Tommy Norment, R-James City, has not been a fan of the machines and wanted to ban them. He urged the ABC to keep a close eye on the machines to ensure they’re not evading tax collection or placing more machines in the market.
“I have historically referred to them as somewhat as bandits, and sometimes bandits are less than forthcoming with information,” Norment said.
Sen. Janet Howell, D-Fairfax, chairwoman of the Senate Finance Committee, assured the committee that she and Gov. Ralph Northam are still united in banning the machines by next June, “so that no one is doubtful.”
When legislators return for their regular session in January, they may also consider changing alcohol laws in Virginia.
“What this pandemic has done is really reframe the conversation about businesses and the control of alcohol,” Hill said.
Since the pandemic, the state has allowed restaurants and distilleries with on-premises licenses to sell cocktails for delivery or to go. The ABC created an expedited process to approve requests for outside dining areas. It also allowed ABC distillery stores to do shipments of spirits.
Alcohol sales sharply dropped when the pandemic reached Virginia and businesses shut down. While alcohol sales at establishments are down compared with sales before the pandemic, the measures have helped gradually grow some of the revenue back.
Sen. Chap Petersen, D-Fairfax, said a lot of restaurants that rely on alcohol sales have been hit hard.
“What can we do as an assembly to help out restaurants that would normally rely on alcohol sales as a way to get people in the door?” he asked.
Hill said it might be worth looking at some of the changes that were made during the pandemic.
“We kind of told ourselves, we’ve got to be able to live with this long-term in case it does become a permanent basis,” Hill said.
The death penalty has been used in the U.S. to enforce racial hierarchies since Colonial times, according to a report released Tuesday by the Death Penalty Information Center.
Racial disparities are still present in capital cases, the center contends.
“If you don’t understand the history — that the modern death penalty is the direct descendant of slavery, lynching, and Jim Crow-segregation — you won’t understand why,” the report says.
Southern states dominate two maps produced in the report that show locations of the lynchings of Black individuals in the U.S. between 1883 and 1940 and the legal executions of Black people from 1972 to 2020.
And historic figures from Virginia are displayed in a graphic that the DPIC says shows how race determined who was executed for nonmurder crimes in the state.
By 1848, the report says, white people in Virginia could be sentenced to death only for first-degree murder, while slaves could be executed for less serious crimes.
By the 20th century, race distinction in the law was gone in Virginia, but not in practice, the report says.
The DPIC says that in Virginia, from 1900 to 1969, 185 Blacks and 46 whites were executed for murder. And although a total of 73 Blacks were executed for rape, attempted rape and armed robbery — no whites were, according to the DPIC study.
The findings echo those of a 2004 review by the Richmond Times-Dispatch of archived Virginia Department of Corrections records and contemporaneous newspaper accounts of executions in the state from 1908 to 1954.
The figures suggest that Virginia’s justice system curbed lynchings by supplanting them with court-imposed executions.
Quick trials and use of the death penalty against Blacks are reasons why Virginia had the lowest incidence of lynchings of any state in the South from 1880 to 1950, according to W. Fitzhugh Brundage, a University of North Carolina history professor and an expert on lynchings.
The Times-Dispatch found that 191 of the 221 men and one woman executed in Virginia from 1908 to 1954 were Black. Only murder put whites in the electric chair, and not often.
The 87-page DPIC report released Tuesday is titled “Enduring Injustice: The Persistence of Racial Discrimination in the U.S. Death Penalty.”
Ngozi Ndulue, the report’s lead author, said, “The death penalty has been used to enforce racial hierarchies throughout United States history, beginning with the colonial period and continuing to this day.”
According to the study, as lynchings decreased in the early 20th century, executions increased.
“Across the South, African-American men were condemned and executed for the alleged rape or attempted rape of white women or girls. No white man was ever executed for raping a Black woman or girl,” the authors wrote.
According to the DPIC report, 13% of the 823 Blacks convicted of rape in Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina and Tennessee between 1945 and 1965 were sentenced to death. During the same period, just 2% of 442 white men convicted of rape were sentenced to death.
The same disparities were seen in executions, the DPIC found. Of the 455 men executed for rape in the U.S. between 1930 and 1972, 405 — or 89% — were Black and 443 of the 455 occurred in former Confederate states, the report says.
The report contends that racial bias persists today: the murders of white people are more likely to lead to capital murder charges; the systemic exclusion of jurors of color from service in death penalty trials; and disproportionate imposition of death sentences against defendants of color.
The authors said evidence of racial bias in the report includes a 2015 analysis of 30 studies showing that the killers of white people were more likely than the killers of Black people to face a capital prosecution.
The DPIC report cited other evidence to support the argument that discrimination remains in the application of capital punishment:
There have been more executions in Virginia since Colonial times than in any other state — almost 1,400, beginning in 1608 when Capt. George Kendall, a Jamestown councilor, was shot by firing squad.
Since the U.S. Supreme Court allowed executions to resume in 1976, Virginia has executed 113 people, a toll second only to Texas.
In 2000, a study of Virginia’s death penalty by the Joint Legislative Audit and Review Commission found that defendants who murdered white victims were more likely to be indicted for capital murder and face prosecution than defendants who murdered Black victims.
But that study concluded that local prosecutors do not base the decision of whether to seek the death penalty in capital-eligible cases on the race of the defendant or the race of the victim.
A recent study of Georgia executions published in the Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review focused on who was actually executed — and not just tried — for capital murder.
Nationally, relatively few death sentences imposed in the U.S. are ultimately carried out. That study found a person was 17 times more likely to be executed for murdering a white victim than a nonwhite victim.
Robert Dunham, executive director of the DPIC, said racial disparities grow as cases proceed to juries, then to convictions, then to death sentences and then to executions, where the report shows that, nationally, 75% of all the people executed in the U.S. were convicted of killing white victims.